Impact of Financial Crisis on Islamic Banks

Impact of Financial Crisis on Islamic Banks Chapter 1 Background / Introduction of recent financial crises and Islamic banking system The credit crunch is widely blamed upon the sub prime crisis which originated in America, where banks offered housing loans to those known in the industry as ninjas (no income, no job, no assets). Such people often had poor financial track records. However these loans were subsequently repackaged into financial products known as ‘collaterised debt obligations (CDOs). They were then mixed in with ‘prime loans and sold on to other banks via the wholesale market. In theory, this trading in debts was meant to spread the risk of bad loans amongst many different banks, thereby reducing risk. In fact, it lead to the ‘sub prime problem infecting not just the banks that offered the dodgy loans in the first place, but a far, far greater number of banks who bought the ‘toxic loans via the wholesale markets. The knock-on effect of this was for banks to suddenly become unsure of the value of their ‘toxic assets and as a result to stop lending each other money, or to lend money only at much higher rates. As a result the London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR) shot up to unprecedented levels, which in turn massively increased the cost of providing loans to the general public according to Khan (2008). The Western perspective also argues that this initial problem with sub prime debts triggered a secondary problem whereby banks which relied for cash flow principally on accessing funds from other banks via the wholesale market, suddenly found they could no longer borrow enough money to meet their cash flow requirements This is what led to the crisis with collapse of 150 year old Lehman Brothers and take over of Merrill Lynch by Bank of America, which, more than any other bank relied on the wholesale market rather than its own depositor funds to meet the banks day-to-day cash requirements Khan (2008). According to Bashir (2008) the paralysis in interbank lending led in turn to banks drastically reducing the money they lent to customers, as well as dramatically raising the cost of existing loans. This in turn substantially reduced demand for property and led to the ongoing crash in the property market. This is now feeding back to create a yet bigger problem for the banks because property is what they mostly hold as collateral for all the debts people owe them. Evidently this collateral is now worth a lot less than a year ago, and this will inevitably lead to a much higher rate of loan defaults and repossessions Bashir (2008). Having covered a secular analysis, we now turn to Islam, which proposes a very different explanation for these problems. According to Haddad (2008) Islam does not consider money to be a commodity, which can be traded at a profit, that is to say a transaction that is interest (or usury) based. Thus the reality of negating this Islamic consideration provides us with the first part of the problem. Interest, known as Riba in Arabic, is one of the major violations of Gods law, and when it spreads through society becoming an established norm without any condemnation nothing can be expected but divine wrath. Islamic banks do not borrow or lend on international money markets because interest is not allowed, traditionally they have a larger proportion of their assets in reserve accounts with central banks. Islamic banking is based on the principles of risk sharing between depositor and investor in theory, meaning that customers practice greater oversight of an Islamic banks lending performance. Shariah law stipulates that Islamic securities should be asset-based, which means that a trader must own the asset being traded. This, in turn, proscribes most forms of futures trading, as goods that the seller does not own or will not deliver cannot be the subjects of an Islamic contract. Practices such as short selling, consequently, are not a feature of Islamic Banking according to Haddad (2008). According to Siddiqi (2009) Islamic finance is growing in various parts of the world. It has moved from a mere theoretical concept to a practical reality. Islam not only prohibits dealing in interest but also in liquor, pork, gambling, pornography and anything else, which the Shariah (Islamic Law) deems Haram (unlawful). Islamic banking is an instrument for the development of an Islamic economic order. The core principles of Islamic economics system are justice, equity and welfare. Islamic economics seeks to establish a broad based economic well being with full employment and optimum rate of economic growth, it will bring socio economic justice and equitable distribution of income and wealth. Islamic economics will also ensure the stability in the value of money to enable the medium of exchange to be a reliable unit of account and a stable store of value Siddiqi (2009). According to Bagsiraj (2009) in the Islamic economy, Islamic banks act as venture capital firms collecting peoples wealth and investing it in the economy, then distributing the profits amongst depositors. Islamic banks act as investment partners for those who need money to do businesses, becoming part owners of the business. The banks should only be able to recoup their original capital by selling their share of the mortgage/business at the prevailing market value. As real partners, Islamic banks should have no objection to owning real assets and hence should be ready to share the consequential risk. This scheme, although seemingly inconsequential, could constitute a major relief to Islamic banks clients, as they would no longer live under the burden of debt and fear of repossession Bagsiraj (2009). Further more, according to Siddiqi, (2009) Islam neither endorses the capitalist nor the communist financial model. However, both the capitalist and socialist systems share certain elements with Islam, such as encouraging people to work, to be productive and earn as much as they can. Islam promotes an awareness of the hereafter in the hearts and minds of believers and instructs them not to be overcome by greed or excessively attached to money. The Islamic economic and financial system is based on a set of values, ideals and morals, such as honesty, credibility, transparency, clear evidence, facilitation, co-operation, complementarities and solidarity. These morals and ideals are fundamental because they ensure stability, security and safety for all those involved in financial transactions. Islamic Shariah prohibits economic and financial transactions that involve lying, gambling, cheating, gharar (risk or uncertainty), monopoly, exploitation, greed, unfairness and taking peoples mone y unjustly Siddiqi, 2009. The aim of this research is to examine the extent to which the Islamic banks have been affected by the recent financial crisis in contrast with its conventional counterpart. Chapter 2 Literature review 1.1 Detailed history of credit crunch: According to BBC website a credit crunch is an economic condition in which loans and investment capital are difficult to obtain. In such a period, banks and other lenders become wary of issuing loans, so the price of borrowing rises, often to the point where deals simply do not get one. When a National Public Radio journalist asked the famous economists Nouriel Roubini, Kenneth Rogoff, and Nariman Behravesh, their reaction on the monthly report that was just released by the U.S. Department of labor, their answers were â€Å"Its worse then anybody had anticipated†; â€Å"Its pretty disastrous†, and â€Å"I am shocked† Langfitt (2007). Before the report was published, the economic forecasters view was that the report would show the U.S economy increased about 100,000 jobs in August. Instead there was a net loss of 4,000 jobs; there was no growth for the first time in four years. U. S Department of Labor (2007). The forecasters were not done getting it wrong, however, after publication of the jobs data, a number of them predicted the news would bolster the U.S. stock market, because they argued, the employment report practically guaranteed that the Federal Reserve would cut interest rate on September 18, Instead, investor panic over the employment report caused the market, which had been volatile during most of the summer, to quickly lose about 2% on all major indices as per Whalen (2007). The Federal Reserve did eventually cut rates as expected, but it took a number of reassuring comments by U.S. central bank governors on September 10 to calm Wall Streets fears according to Monica (2007). What is now clear is that most economists underestimated the widening economic impact of the credit crunch that has shaken U.S. financial markets since at least mid-July 2007. According to Times online (2009) years of lax lending inflated a huge debt bubble as people borrowed cheap money and ploughed it into property. Lenders were free with their funds, especially in the US, where billions of dollars of so-called Ninja mortgages no income, no job or assets were sold to people with weak credit ratings (called sub-prime borrowers). The informal notion was that if they ran into trouble with their repayments rising house prices would allow them to re mortgage their property as per times online (2009). It seemed a good idea when Central Bank interest rates were low; the trouble was it could not last. Interest rates hit rock bottom in America in 2004 at just 1 per cent, but in June that year they began to rise Bernank (2006). As interest rates jumped, US house prices started to fall and borrowers began to default on their mortgage payments sparking trouble for us all BBC websites (2009). According to Mullan, 2008 easy money conditions made funds available to finance millions of US ‘sub prime borrowers, less well-off people who in earlier times would not have been seen as credit-worthy enough to get a plastic card never mind a home mortgage. These extra homebuyers helped reinforce the pre-existing rise in property prices, producing price hikes in many regional markets across the US. By summer 2007, the market had turned house prices were falling and default levels were raising Mullan, 2008. When the sub prime crisis hit, liquidity froze in the wholesale money markets, not just in the US but also across the Western world nytimes (2008). Following the common pattern of all credit crises, at a certain point never precisely predictable, because of the ‘elastic nature of credit debt becomes too extended for some borrowers when their circumstances change, default levels begin to grow, and the upward spiral of credit expansion and asset price appreciation turns into its unwelcome opposite Mullan, 2008. Just as mortgage issuance and rising US house prices fed on each other for several years, so now price falls and mortgage foreclosures reinforce each other BBC websites (2009). The difference with the credit crisis this time is that the necessity for writing off the bad debts spreads far beyond the original lenders, the banks and the other institutions, which issued the sub prime mortgages, repackaged the debts and sold them on elsewhere into the financial system the process of passing on debt from one institution to another has long been a feature of the financial markets, this activity became so frequent that the terminology of ‘securitization became commonplace, as bank lending was repackaged and sold on as bonds or securities, the same underlying value of a piece of financial paper (or electronic account) becomes reproduced often multiple times elsewhere in the financial system Economichelp.org (2008). In essence, such loans are resold as assets to others so that the same underlying value becomes used many times over, is what the credit system has been about since its early days. This time, in fact since the 1980s, the scale and scope of the repackaging of debt was simply more extensive than ever Mullan (2008). Hence the emergence of trading in ‘derivatives instruments derived from the original credit note that dominates modern financial markets trading. More recently, over the past few years, this practice spawned a number of new acronyms which have been a feature of the terminology for todays crisis: ABSs (asset-backed securities, with the ‘assets often being those home mortgages); CDOs (collateralised debt obligations); and SIVs (structured investment vehicles these are the alternative secondary financial bodies which invested in the new mortgage-backed financial instruments) according to Mullan (2008). 1.2 Causes of credit crunch Inaccurate Credit ratings: According to Acharya, Viral, Bharath, and Srinivasan, (2007) The Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDO) market has grown substantially since 2001 with issuance volume reaching $551.7 billion in 2006. While securitization makes financing more accessible for firms and households1, it also presents regulatory challenges, as rating agencies and institutions struggle to keep up with the rapid pace of financial innovation on Wall Street. According to Coval, Jurek, and Stafford (2008) Since summer 2007, both academics and practitioners have blamed complex CDOs for being, in part, responsible for the current sub prime crisis and credit crunch. While more than 85% of the dollar value of CDO securities issued was rated AAA by either Moodys or Standard and Poors (SP), 3 several major banks and financial institutions eventually had to write-off substantial portions of their balance-sheets related to investments in CDOs, largely those backed by sub prime mortgages. In 2007, Moodys downgraded $76bn in CDO securities and another $150bn remained on credit watch as of January 2008. Downgrades in November 2007 alone numbered 2,000 and many downgrades were severe, with 500 trenches downgraded more than 10 notches.4 The ensuing confusion about the true value of these complicated securities and the extent of exposure by financial institutions, incited a credit crunch with effects beyond sub prime mortgage related investments. In another words the securities, especially the now-notorious C.D.O.s, for (collateralised debt obligations) were probably too complex for anyones good. Investors placed too much faith in the rating agencies which, to put it mildly, failed to get it right. It is tempting to take the rating agencies out for a public whipping. But it is more constructive to ask how the rating system might be improved. Thats a tough question because of another serious incentive problem. Under the current system, the rating agencies are hired and paid by the issuers of the very securities they rate which creates an obvious potential conflict of interest. The following figure shows the typical collateralised debt obligations (CDO) structure and CDO issuances over time respectively: 1.3 Sub prime market collapse: According to Khan (2008) As the housing sector continued to inflate due to the appetite for housing by Americans, the sub prime sector continued to also grow. Commercial banks entered what they considered a buoyant market that could only raise, many Americans refinanced their homes by taking out second mortgages against the added value to use the funds for consumer spending. The first sign that the US housing bubble was in trouble was on the 2nd April 2007 when New Century Inc the largest sub rime mortgage lender in the US declared bankruptcy due to the increasing number of defaults from borrowers. In the previous month 25 sub prime lenders declared bankruptcy, announcing significant losses, with some putting themselves up for sale. Khan (2008) also highlights the crisis that then spread to the owners of collateralized debt who were now in the position where the payments they were promised from the debt they had purchased was being defaulted upon. By being owners of various complex products the constituent elements of such products resulted in many holders of such debt to sell other investments in order to balance losses incurred from exposure to the sub prime sector or what is known as ‘covering a position. This second round of selling to shore up funds and meet brokerage margin requirements is what caused the collapse in share prices across the world in August 2007, with the market getting into a vicious circle of falling prices, leading to the further sales of shares to shore up losses. This type of behavior is typical of a Capitalist market crash and is what caused worldwide share values to plummet. What made matters worse was many investors caught in this vicious spiral of declining prices did not just sell sub prime and related products; they sold anything that could be sold. This is why share prices plummeted across the world and not just in those directly related to sub prime mortgages Khan (2008). International institutes who poured their money into the US housing sector realized they will not actually receive their money that they loaned out to investors as individual sub prime mortgage holders were defaulting on mass on such loans this resulted in all those who took positions in the housing sector not being able to pay the institutes they borrowed money from. It was for these reason central banks across the world intervened in the global economy in an unprecedented manner providing large amounts of cash to ensure such banks and institutes did not go bankrupt Khan (2008). According to bbc.co.uk the European Central Bank, Americas Federal Reserve and the Japanese and Australian central banks injected over $300 billion into the banking system within 48 hours in a bid to avert a financial crisis. They stepped in when banks, such as Sentinel, a large American investment house, stopped investors from withdrawing their money, spooked by sudden and unexpected losses from bad loans in the American mortgage market, other institutions followed suit and suspended normal lending. Intervention by the worlds central banks in order to avert crisis cost them over $800 billion after only seven days. 2.1 Islamic Banking: The beginning of Islamic Banking: The earliest writings on the subject of Islamic banking and finance date back to the forties of the twentieth century Nejatullah (1981) and the earliest practice can be traced to early sixties Mahmud (1995). The literature showed ambivalence between the model of an intermediary designed after conventional commercial banks and one like an investment company serving individuals seeking profits as well as the community needing development. Models of commercial banking based on two-tier Mudaraba came from economists aspiring to build an alternative to a system of banking and finance hinged on interest. Some of them placed the issue in the larger context of the struggle between capitalism and socialism in which Muslim intellectuals projected Islam as having a different approach resulting in a distinct economic system with its own financial institutions. Community initiatives looked forward to something workable while avoiding interest. The nineteen-sixties saw the establishment of an interest-free bank in Karachi, that of Tabung Haji in Malaysia, and saving-investment banks in Mit Ghamr in Egypt, that were based on sharing profits and avoided interest. Only Tabung Haji survived, Haji (1995), thanks to its roots in the community, its narrow focus, official blessings and clear structure as a business. Early in the nineteen seventies came the Dubai Islamic Bank, taking deposits in current as well as investment accounts and engaging in profit-making activities directly as well as through working partners. The Islamic Development Bank, which started operations in 1975, was designed to serve Muslim countries and communities by arranging finance for trade and development on non-interest bases. By late nineteen-seventies there were half a dozen more banks in the private sector in Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and the Gulf. The following decade saw a rapid expansion bringing the number of banks to dozens by the end of the decade. To banks were now added non-bank financial institutions, like investment companies and insurance companies IAIB (1997). According Mohammad (1970) till the end of the nineteen-seventies, largely a plea for replacing interest in bank lending by profit sharing. This would change the nature of financial intermediation, making the fund owners as well as the financial intermediaries share the risks of enterprise with the fund users. Early literatures main emphasis was on fairness. Making the fund-user-entrepreneur bear all the risks of business and allowing fund owner and bank claim a predetermined return was regarded to be unjust. The environment in which productive enterprise was conducted did not guaranty a positive return, so there was no justification for money capital claiming a positive return irrespective of the results of enterprise, it was argued. Hadi (1973), Nejatullah (1968). It was also argued that most, though not all, the other problems of capitalism were rooted in the practice of lending on interest. Among these problems were unemployment, inflation, poverty amidst plenty, increasing inequa lity and recurrent business cycles Mohammad (1955), Ala (1961), Mahmud (1972), According to Mohammad (1970) abolishing interest and replacing it by profit sharing could solve these problems. It was not until the next decade that Islamic economists were able to fortify these claims by sophisticated economic analysis, especially at the macroeconomic level. The focus at this stage was largely on pointing out the deficiencies of capitalism and linking them to the institution of interest, among other things. With this went the arguments showing that it was possible to have banking without interest and that it would not adversely affect savings and investment Ala (1961), Ala (1969) Iqbal (1946), Nejatullah (1969). Hasan (2005) The most significant development during the late nineteen-seventies and early eighties was the advent and proliferation of Murabahah or cost-plus financing. What the businessman got from the Islamic bank under this arrangement is the commodity he needed purchased by the bank at his request, with the promise to purchase it from the bank at a price higher than its purchase price, to be paid after a period of time. Each Murabahah transaction created a debt. Compared to funds supplied on a profit-sharing basis, funds invested in Murabahah transactions were safe. Within a couple of years of the introduction of Murabahah in late nineteen seventies, it conquered the landscape of Islamic finance, assigning Mudarabah or profit-sharing to a corner accounting for less than ten percent of the operations. Security of capital invested rather than magnitude of returns to capital ruled the roost, insofar as the fund owners were concerned. However, the proliferation of Murabahah did give a big boost to Islamic finance during the coming decades. Their total number by year 2004 may have exceeded 200, spread over more than fifty countries. Archer and Karim (2002) the seventies also saw Pakistan officially committing to interest-free Islamic banking, followed by Iran and Sudan in the eighties. Meanwhile Malaysia developed a new approach of introducing Islamic banking and finance under official patronage, while the main system continued along conventional lines Indonesia followed in early nineties. This pattern later became the model for certain countries in the Gulf, like Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE. With the spread of Islamic financial institutions across the globe and enlargement of the size of funds managed by them, came the involvement of big players in the international financial arena like Citibank, HSBC and ABN AMRO according to Archer Karim (2002). According to Vogel and Hays (1998) in the development of theory of Islamic finance and banking, the late seventies and the eighties saw many significant contributions. Murabaha or cost plus financing, acknowledged only grudgingly in documents such as the Islamic Ideology Council of Pakistan Report on Elimination of Interest from the Economy, earned full recognition as well as respectable rationale. The controversy around its legitimacy, its efficacy hardly had any impact on the speed with which it conquered the landscape of Islamic finance. Practitioners of Islamic finance report they tried to push through sharing based Finance but the results were not encouraging Attiyah (2007). The laws of the land did not (may be, could not) offer the financier same protection from false reporting of profits by the users of funds, even against outright fraud and deception, not to speak of delay in payment, as was offered to borrowers in a lending contract. There seemed to be no room for collaterals. On top of all this there were projects to be financed that simply defied profit-sharing finance, like long term municipal plans to lay sewage-pipes in a city. In this case, returns to the finance would accrue over many decades in the future while costs had to be met in the present. In the absence of a market on which shares could be floated, even medium term Mudarabah bonds designed to finance development of WAQF property did not succeed Khairallah (1994). Recourse to trade based modes of finance became necessary. This happened with privately established Islamic banks in the Gulf area as well as with the Islamic Development Bank. By the early nineteen-eighties, Murabahah had become the dominant mode of Islamic finance everywhere. As pointed out above, early theory had failed to pay due attention to trade based modes of finance and to the issue of capital protection. Murabahah seemed to fill the gap. According to Khairallah (1994) the macroeconomic implications of Islamic banking were still being worked out on the assumption that it would be largely based on profit sharing. It was argued that financial intermediation based on profit sharing rather than lending will contribute to greater stability in the economic system in general and the financial markets in particular. It was also argued that such a system would be more efficient than the conventional system Khairallah (1994). 2.2 An overview of Islamic Banking and Financial products: The earliest Islamic financial product to appear on the scene was investment deposit with an Islamic bank or investment certificate issued by an Islamic investment company IIBI (1995). Both were based on profit-sharing/ Mudarabah between the depositor/certificate holder (Rabbal-mal) and the bank/investment company (Mudarib). The next to appear were based on sale. Murabahah is sale with a mark-up on purchase price, payment being deferred. Ijarah is sale of usufruct of an equipment or real estate owned by the seller. Murabahah proceeds on the basis of a purchase order by a client who commits to buy the commodity involved. Originally introduced as contracts between two parties both Ijarah and Murabahah ended up in the form of securities. Bypassing controversies around operating leases versus financial leases Nejatullah (2005b) The market seized upon Sukuk. Ijarah bonds are investment certificates indicating ownership of a real asset subject to a lease contract yielding predetermined rent yields, they are very popular in the Gulf, unlike the Sukuk based on Murabahah receivables that are considered valid only in Malaysia. Adam and Thomas (2004). Other sale-based modes in Islamic finance are Salam and Istisnaa Islamic banks started by using them as bases for extending finance to agriculture and industry respectively. As they had no interest in taking possession of the commodities or the manufactured goods involved, there was usually a parallel contract reversing the flow so that the bank ended up with cash, larger in amount than that paid by it in the first contract. In their more developed forms, the Islamic financial market now has Sukuk based on Ijarah, Salam and Istisnaa. The buyers of Sukuk periodically get a predetermined income over and above the privilege of redemption at par on maturity, as in case of conventional bonds. According to (http://www.bankislam.com.my) there are efforts to develop secondary markets on which these Islamic bonds could be traded. If and when these efforts succeed, the same markets could handle variable return Mudarabah bonds or Sukuk based on Mudarabah/musharakah. The big difference would be in there being no guaranteed value on redemption as these investors are vulnerable to losses too, unlike those who invest in fixed income Sukuk mentioned earlier. We have to examine, first how trade based modes of finance got in, and second, how bond-like Sukuk were constructed. Later on, we go on to economics: the impact of fixed income financial products on an economy aspiring to be Islamic. Malaysia introduced sale of debt (Bay Al-Dayn) in Islamic finance. It also brought in Inah, a way of obtaining cash now against a larger amount of cash to be paid after a period of time, on the basis of sale contracts on deferred prices followed by buyback contracts at lower cash prices. The first Islamic bank to come up in Malaysia, Bank Islam Malaysia Berhad, started its operations in 1983. It is now marketing about 50 innovative and sophisticated Islamic banking products and services, comparable to those of their conventional counterparts (http://www.bankislam.com.my). A second Islamic bank, Bank Muamalat Malaysia Berhad commenced operations in 1999. The Central Bank of Malaysia also decided to allow the existing banking institutions to offer Islamic banking services using their existing infrastructure and branches. The long-term objective of BNM is to create an Islamic banking system operating on parallel lines with the conventional system This involves some interaction between the two systems, which is overseen and organized by the central bank, Bank Negara Malaysia, which has in-house National Shariah Advisory Council. An Islamic Inter-bank Money Market launched in 1994 plays a significant role in this regard (http://www.bnm.gov.my). There is also Mudarabah Inter-bank Investment facilitating interaction between deficit and surplus Islamic banks. The backbone of the whole structure seems to be the Government Investment Issue (GII). It was originally based on ‘the Shariah contract of Qard Hasan, the holder being given back only what he/she gave. ‘Any return on the loans (if any) is on the absolute discretion of the government. But, in 2001, the basis of Government Investment Issue (GIIs) issuance was further enhanced to accommodate the need to develop further the secondary market activities of the Islamic money market. An alternative concept of GII based on Sell and Buy Back Arrangement was introduced in June 2001. Under this arrangement, the Government will sell its identified assets at an agreed cash price to the buyer and subsequently buy back the same assets from the buyer at an agreed purchase price to be settled at a specified future date (http://www.bnm.gov.my). Saleem (2006) says besides complying with the prohibitions against interest and the financing of forbidden activities, Islamic banking products are based on the concept of property exchange, profit and risk sharing, and certainty. Uncertainty (gharar) is not permissible, and contracts for banking services must clearly define the responsibilities and rights of the customer and bank as to the ownership of property, fees, and risk sharing. 2.3 Istisnaa The Istisnaa the second kind of sale where a commodity is transacted before it comes into existence. This allows the Bank to order for the goods or equipment required for a construction project according to the choice of the client and delivers them to the client. The client agrees to pay in installments at specified dates. There are two sub types of Istisnaa contracts, which are classified based on the commodity bought or sold Saleem (2006). 2.4 Ijarah Islamic Investments ‘Ijarah is the process by which (Usufruct of a particular property is transferred to another person in exchange for a rent claimed from him/her). It is the equivalent of ‘Leasing in commercial banking. This allows the Bank to order for Capital assets required for the customer against a rental agreement with him. The title Impact of Financial Crisis on Islamic Banks Impact of Financial Crisis on Islamic Banks Chapter 1 Background / Introduction of recent financial crises and Islamic banking system The credit crunch is widely blamed upon the sub prime crisis which originated in America, where banks offered housing loans to those known in the industry as ninjas (no income, no job, no assets). Such people often had poor financial track records. However these loans were subsequently repackaged into financial products known as ‘collaterised debt obligations (CDOs). They were then mixed in with ‘prime loans and sold on to other banks via the wholesale market. In theory, this trading in debts was meant to spread the risk of bad loans amongst many different banks, thereby reducing risk. In fact, it lead to the ‘sub prime problem infecting not just the banks that offered the dodgy loans in the first place, but a far, far greater number of banks who bought the ‘toxic loans via the wholesale markets. The knock-on effect of this was for banks to suddenly become unsure of the value of their ‘toxic assets and as a result to stop lending each other money, or to lend money only at much higher rates. As a result the London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR) shot up to unprecedented levels, which in turn massively increased the cost of providing loans to the general public according to Khan (2008). The Western perspective also argues that this initial problem with sub prime debts triggered a secondary problem whereby banks which relied for cash flow principally on accessing funds from other banks via the wholesale market, suddenly found they could no longer borrow enough money to meet their cash flow requirements This is what led to the crisis with collapse of 150 year old Lehman Brothers and take over of Merrill Lynch by Bank of America, which, more than any other bank relied on the wholesale market rather than its own depositor funds to meet the banks day-to-day cash requirements Khan (2008). According to Bashir (2008) the paralysis in interbank lending led in turn to banks drastically reducing the money they lent to customers, as well as dramatically raising the cost of existing loans. This in turn substantially reduced demand for property and led to the ongoing crash in the property market. This is now feeding back to create a yet bigger problem for the banks because property is what they mostly hold as collateral for all the debts people owe them. Evidently this collateral is now worth a lot less than a year ago, and this will inevitably lead to a much higher rate of loan defaults and repossessions Bashir (2008). Having covered a secular analysis, we now turn to Islam, which proposes a very different explanation for these problems. According to Haddad (2008) Islam does not consider money to be a commodity, which can be traded at a profit, that is to say a transaction that is interest (or usury) based. Thus the reality of negating this Islamic consideration provides us with the first part of the problem. Interest, known as Riba in Arabic, is one of the major violations of Gods law, and when it spreads through society becoming an established norm without any condemnation nothing can be expected but divine wrath. Islamic banks do not borrow or lend on international money markets because interest is not allowed, traditionally they have a larger proportion of their assets in reserve accounts with central banks. Islamic banking is based on the principles of risk sharing between depositor and investor in theory, meaning that customers practice greater oversight of an Islamic banks lending performance. Shariah law stipulates that Islamic securities should be asset-based, which means that a trader must own the asset being traded. This, in turn, proscribes most forms of futures trading, as goods that the seller does not own or will not deliver cannot be the subjects of an Islamic contract. Practices such as short selling, consequently, are not a feature of Islamic Banking according to Haddad (2008). According to Siddiqi (2009) Islamic finance is growing in various parts of the world. It has moved from a mere theoretical concept to a practical reality. Islam not only prohibits dealing in interest but also in liquor, pork, gambling, pornography and anything else, which the Shariah (Islamic Law) deems Haram (unlawful). Islamic banking is an instrument for the development of an Islamic economic order. The core principles of Islamic economics system are justice, equity and welfare. Islamic economics seeks to establish a broad based economic well being with full employment and optimum rate of economic growth, it will bring socio economic justice and equitable distribution of income and wealth. Islamic economics will also ensure the stability in the value of money to enable the medium of exchange to be a reliable unit of account and a stable store of value Siddiqi (2009). According to Bagsiraj (2009) in the Islamic economy, Islamic banks act as venture capital firms collecting peoples wealth and investing it in the economy, then distributing the profits amongst depositors. Islamic banks act as investment partners for those who need money to do businesses, becoming part owners of the business. The banks should only be able to recoup their original capital by selling their share of the mortgage/business at the prevailing market value. As real partners, Islamic banks should have no objection to owning real assets and hence should be ready to share the consequential risk. This scheme, although seemingly inconsequential, could constitute a major relief to Islamic banks clients, as they would no longer live under the burden of debt and fear of repossession Bagsiraj (2009). Further more, according to Siddiqi, (2009) Islam neither endorses the capitalist nor the communist financial model. However, both the capitalist and socialist systems share certain elements with Islam, such as encouraging people to work, to be productive and earn as much as they can. Islam promotes an awareness of the hereafter in the hearts and minds of believers and instructs them not to be overcome by greed or excessively attached to money. The Islamic economic and financial system is based on a set of values, ideals and morals, such as honesty, credibility, transparency, clear evidence, facilitation, co-operation, complementarities and solidarity. These morals and ideals are fundamental because they ensure stability, security and safety for all those involved in financial transactions. Islamic Shariah prohibits economic and financial transactions that involve lying, gambling, cheating, gharar (risk or uncertainty), monopoly, exploitation, greed, unfairness and taking peoples mone y unjustly Siddiqi, 2009. The aim of this research is to examine the extent to which the Islamic banks have been affected by the recent financial crisis in contrast with its conventional counterpart. Chapter 2 Literature review 1.1 Detailed history of credit crunch: According to BBC website a credit crunch is an economic condition in which loans and investment capital are difficult to obtain. In such a period, banks and other lenders become wary of issuing loans, so the price of borrowing rises, often to the point where deals simply do not get one. When a National Public Radio journalist asked the famous economists Nouriel Roubini, Kenneth Rogoff, and Nariman Behravesh, their reaction on the monthly report that was just released by the U.S. Department of labor, their answers were â€Å"Its worse then anybody had anticipated†; â€Å"Its pretty disastrous†, and â€Å"I am shocked† Langfitt (2007). Before the report was published, the economic forecasters view was that the report would show the U.S economy increased about 100,000 jobs in August. Instead there was a net loss of 4,000 jobs; there was no growth for the first time in four years. U. S Department of Labor (2007). The forecasters were not done getting it wrong, however, after publication of the jobs data, a number of them predicted the news would bolster the U.S. stock market, because they argued, the employment report practically guaranteed that the Federal Reserve would cut interest rate on September 18, Instead, investor panic over the employment report caused the market, which had been volatile during most of the summer, to quickly lose about 2% on all major indices as per Whalen (2007). The Federal Reserve did eventually cut rates as expected, but it took a number of reassuring comments by U.S. central bank governors on September 10 to calm Wall Streets fears according to Monica (2007). What is now clear is that most economists underestimated the widening economic impact of the credit crunch that has shaken U.S. financial markets since at least mid-July 2007. According to Times online (2009) years of lax lending inflated a huge debt bubble as people borrowed cheap money and ploughed it into property. Lenders were free with their funds, especially in the US, where billions of dollars of so-called Ninja mortgages no income, no job or assets were sold to people with weak credit ratings (called sub-prime borrowers). The informal notion was that if they ran into trouble with their repayments rising house prices would allow them to re mortgage their property as per times online (2009). It seemed a good idea when Central Bank interest rates were low; the trouble was it could not last. Interest rates hit rock bottom in America in 2004 at just 1 per cent, but in June that year they began to rise Bernank (2006). As interest rates jumped, US house prices started to fall and borrowers began to default on their mortgage payments sparking trouble for us all BBC websites (2009). According to Mullan, 2008 easy money conditions made funds available to finance millions of US ‘sub prime borrowers, less well-off people who in earlier times would not have been seen as credit-worthy enough to get a plastic card never mind a home mortgage. These extra homebuyers helped reinforce the pre-existing rise in property prices, producing price hikes in many regional markets across the US. By summer 2007, the market had turned house prices were falling and default levels were raising Mullan, 2008. When the sub prime crisis hit, liquidity froze in the wholesale money markets, not just in the US but also across the Western world nytimes (2008). Following the common pattern of all credit crises, at a certain point never precisely predictable, because of the ‘elastic nature of credit debt becomes too extended for some borrowers when their circumstances change, default levels begin to grow, and the upward spiral of credit expansion and asset price appreciation turns into its unwelcome opposite Mullan, 2008. Just as mortgage issuance and rising US house prices fed on each other for several years, so now price falls and mortgage foreclosures reinforce each other BBC websites (2009). The difference with the credit crisis this time is that the necessity for writing off the bad debts spreads far beyond the original lenders, the banks and the other institutions, which issued the sub prime mortgages, repackaged the debts and sold them on elsewhere into the financial system the process of passing on debt from one institution to another has long been a feature of the financial markets, this activity became so frequent that the terminology of ‘securitization became commonplace, as bank lending was repackaged and sold on as bonds or securities, the same underlying value of a piece of financial paper (or electronic account) becomes reproduced often multiple times elsewhere in the financial system Economichelp.org (2008). In essence, such loans are resold as assets to others so that the same underlying value becomes used many times over, is what the credit system has been about since its early days. This time, in fact since the 1980s, the scale and scope of the repackaging of debt was simply more extensive than ever Mullan (2008). Hence the emergence of trading in ‘derivatives instruments derived from the original credit note that dominates modern financial markets trading. More recently, over the past few years, this practice spawned a number of new acronyms which have been a feature of the terminology for todays crisis: ABSs (asset-backed securities, with the ‘assets often being those home mortgages); CDOs (collateralised debt obligations); and SIVs (structured investment vehicles these are the alternative secondary financial bodies which invested in the new mortgage-backed financial instruments) according to Mullan (2008). 1.2 Causes of credit crunch Inaccurate Credit ratings: According to Acharya, Viral, Bharath, and Srinivasan, (2007) The Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDO) market has grown substantially since 2001 with issuance volume reaching $551.7 billion in 2006. While securitization makes financing more accessible for firms and households1, it also presents regulatory challenges, as rating agencies and institutions struggle to keep up with the rapid pace of financial innovation on Wall Street. According to Coval, Jurek, and Stafford (2008) Since summer 2007, both academics and practitioners have blamed complex CDOs for being, in part, responsible for the current sub prime crisis and credit crunch. While more than 85% of the dollar value of CDO securities issued was rated AAA by either Moodys or Standard and Poors (SP), 3 several major banks and financial institutions eventually had to write-off substantial portions of their balance-sheets related to investments in CDOs, largely those backed by sub prime mortgages. In 2007, Moodys downgraded $76bn in CDO securities and another $150bn remained on credit watch as of January 2008. Downgrades in November 2007 alone numbered 2,000 and many downgrades were severe, with 500 trenches downgraded more than 10 notches.4 The ensuing confusion about the true value of these complicated securities and the extent of exposure by financial institutions, incited a credit crunch with effects beyond sub prime mortgage related investments. In another words the securities, especially the now-notorious C.D.O.s, for (collateralised debt obligations) were probably too complex for anyones good. Investors placed too much faith in the rating agencies which, to put it mildly, failed to get it right. It is tempting to take the rating agencies out for a public whipping. But it is more constructive to ask how the rating system might be improved. Thats a tough question because of another serious incentive problem. Under the current system, the rating agencies are hired and paid by the issuers of the very securities they rate which creates an obvious potential conflict of interest. The following figure shows the typical collateralised debt obligations (CDO) structure and CDO issuances over time respectively: 1.3 Sub prime market collapse: According to Khan (2008) As the housing sector continued to inflate due to the appetite for housing by Americans, the sub prime sector continued to also grow. Commercial banks entered what they considered a buoyant market that could only raise, many Americans refinanced their homes by taking out second mortgages against the added value to use the funds for consumer spending. The first sign that the US housing bubble was in trouble was on the 2nd April 2007 when New Century Inc the largest sub rime mortgage lender in the US declared bankruptcy due to the increasing number of defaults from borrowers. In the previous month 25 sub prime lenders declared bankruptcy, announcing significant losses, with some putting themselves up for sale. Khan (2008) also highlights the crisis that then spread to the owners of collateralized debt who were now in the position where the payments they were promised from the debt they had purchased was being defaulted upon. By being owners of various complex products the constituent elements of such products resulted in many holders of such debt to sell other investments in order to balance losses incurred from exposure to the sub prime sector or what is known as ‘covering a position. This second round of selling to shore up funds and meet brokerage margin requirements is what caused the collapse in share prices across the world in August 2007, with the market getting into a vicious circle of falling prices, leading to the further sales of shares to shore up losses. This type of behavior is typical of a Capitalist market crash and is what caused worldwide share values to plummet. What made matters worse was many investors caught in this vicious spiral of declining prices did not just sell sub prime and related products; they sold anything that could be sold. This is why share prices plummeted across the world and not just in those directly related to sub prime mortgages Khan (2008). International institutes who poured their money into the US housing sector realized they will not actually receive their money that they loaned out to investors as individual sub prime mortgage holders were defaulting on mass on such loans this resulted in all those who took positions in the housing sector not being able to pay the institutes they borrowed money from. It was for these reason central banks across the world intervened in the global economy in an unprecedented manner providing large amounts of cash to ensure such banks and institutes did not go bankrupt Khan (2008). According to bbc.co.uk the European Central Bank, Americas Federal Reserve and the Japanese and Australian central banks injected over $300 billion into the banking system within 48 hours in a bid to avert a financial crisis. They stepped in when banks, such as Sentinel, a large American investment house, stopped investors from withdrawing their money, spooked by sudden and unexpected losses from bad loans in the American mortgage market, other institutions followed suit and suspended normal lending. Intervention by the worlds central banks in order to avert crisis cost them over $800 billion after only seven days. 2.1 Islamic Banking: The beginning of Islamic Banking: The earliest writings on the subject of Islamic banking and finance date back to the forties of the twentieth century Nejatullah (1981) and the earliest practice can be traced to early sixties Mahmud (1995). The literature showed ambivalence between the model of an intermediary designed after conventional commercial banks and one like an investment company serving individuals seeking profits as well as the community needing development. Models of commercial banking based on two-tier Mudaraba came from economists aspiring to build an alternative to a system of banking and finance hinged on interest. Some of them placed the issue in the larger context of the struggle between capitalism and socialism in which Muslim intellectuals projected Islam as having a different approach resulting in a distinct economic system with its own financial institutions. Community initiatives looked forward to something workable while avoiding interest. The nineteen-sixties saw the establishment of an interest-free bank in Karachi, that of Tabung Haji in Malaysia, and saving-investment banks in Mit Ghamr in Egypt, that were based on sharing profits and avoided interest. Only Tabung Haji survived, Haji (1995), thanks to its roots in the community, its narrow focus, official blessings and clear structure as a business. Early in the nineteen seventies came the Dubai Islamic Bank, taking deposits in current as well as investment accounts and engaging in profit-making activities directly as well as through working partners. The Islamic Development Bank, which started operations in 1975, was designed to serve Muslim countries and communities by arranging finance for trade and development on non-interest bases. By late nineteen-seventies there were half a dozen more banks in the private sector in Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, and the Gulf. The following decade saw a rapid expansion bringing the number of banks to dozens by the end of the decade. To banks were now added non-bank financial institutions, like investment companies and insurance companies IAIB (1997). According Mohammad (1970) till the end of the nineteen-seventies, largely a plea for replacing interest in bank lending by profit sharing. This would change the nature of financial intermediation, making the fund owners as well as the financial intermediaries share the risks of enterprise with the fund users. Early literatures main emphasis was on fairness. Making the fund-user-entrepreneur bear all the risks of business and allowing fund owner and bank claim a predetermined return was regarded to be unjust. The environment in which productive enterprise was conducted did not guaranty a positive return, so there was no justification for money capital claiming a positive return irrespective of the results of enterprise, it was argued. Hadi (1973), Nejatullah (1968). It was also argued that most, though not all, the other problems of capitalism were rooted in the practice of lending on interest. Among these problems were unemployment, inflation, poverty amidst plenty, increasing inequa lity and recurrent business cycles Mohammad (1955), Ala (1961), Mahmud (1972), According to Mohammad (1970) abolishing interest and replacing it by profit sharing could solve these problems. It was not until the next decade that Islamic economists were able to fortify these claims by sophisticated economic analysis, especially at the macroeconomic level. The focus at this stage was largely on pointing out the deficiencies of capitalism and linking them to the institution of interest, among other things. With this went the arguments showing that it was possible to have banking without interest and that it would not adversely affect savings and investment Ala (1961), Ala (1969) Iqbal (1946), Nejatullah (1969). Hasan (2005) The most significant development during the late nineteen-seventies and early eighties was the advent and proliferation of Murabahah or cost-plus financing. What the businessman got from the Islamic bank under this arrangement is the commodity he needed purchased by the bank at his request, with the promise to purchase it from the bank at a price higher than its purchase price, to be paid after a period of time. Each Murabahah transaction created a debt. Compared to funds supplied on a profit-sharing basis, funds invested in Murabahah transactions were safe. Within a couple of years of the introduction of Murabahah in late nineteen seventies, it conquered the landscape of Islamic finance, assigning Mudarabah or profit-sharing to a corner accounting for less than ten percent of the operations. Security of capital invested rather than magnitude of returns to capital ruled the roost, insofar as the fund owners were concerned. However, the proliferation of Murabahah did give a big boost to Islamic finance during the coming decades. Their total number by year 2004 may have exceeded 200, spread over more than fifty countries. Archer and Karim (2002) the seventies also saw Pakistan officially committing to interest-free Islamic banking, followed by Iran and Sudan in the eighties. Meanwhile Malaysia developed a new approach of introducing Islamic banking and finance under official patronage, while the main system continued along conventional lines Indonesia followed in early nineties. This pattern later became the model for certain countries in the Gulf, like Bahrain, Qatar and the UAE. With the spread of Islamic financial institutions across the globe and enlargement of the size of funds managed by them, came the involvement of big players in the international financial arena like Citibank, HSBC and ABN AMRO according to Archer Karim (2002). According to Vogel and Hays (1998) in the development of theory of Islamic finance and banking, the late seventies and the eighties saw many significant contributions. Murabaha or cost plus financing, acknowledged only grudgingly in documents such as the Islamic Ideology Council of Pakistan Report on Elimination of Interest from the Economy, earned full recognition as well as respectable rationale. The controversy around its legitimacy, its efficacy hardly had any impact on the speed with which it conquered the landscape of Islamic finance. Practitioners of Islamic finance report they tried to push through sharing based Finance but the results were not encouraging Attiyah (2007). The laws of the land did not (may be, could not) offer the financier same protection from false reporting of profits by the users of funds, even against outright fraud and deception, not to speak of delay in payment, as was offered to borrowers in a lending contract. There seemed to be no room for collaterals. On top of all this there were projects to be financed that simply defied profit-sharing finance, like long term municipal plans to lay sewage-pipes in a city. In this case, returns to the finance would accrue over many decades in the future while costs had to be met in the present. In the absence of a market on which shares could be floated, even medium term Mudarabah bonds designed to finance development of WAQF property did not succeed Khairallah (1994). Recourse to trade based modes of finance became necessary. This happened with privately established Islamic banks in the Gulf area as well as with the Islamic Development Bank. By the early nineteen-eighties, Murabahah had become the dominant mode of Islamic finance everywhere. As pointed out above, early theory had failed to pay due attention to trade based modes of finance and to the issue of capital protection. Murabahah seemed to fill the gap. According to Khairallah (1994) the macroeconomic implications of Islamic banking were still being worked out on the assumption that it would be largely based on profit sharing. It was argued that financial intermediation based on profit sharing rather than lending will contribute to greater stability in the economic system in general and the financial markets in particular. It was also argued that such a system would be more efficient than the conventional system Khairallah (1994). 2.2 An overview of Islamic Banking and Financial products: The earliest Islamic financial product to appear on the scene was investment deposit with an Islamic bank or investment certificate issued by an Islamic investment company IIBI (1995). Both were based on profit-sharing/ Mudarabah between the depositor/certificate holder (Rabbal-mal) and the bank/investment company (Mudarib). The next to appear were based on sale. Murabahah is sale with a mark-up on purchase price, payment being deferred. Ijarah is sale of usufruct of an equipment or real estate owned by the seller. Murabahah proceeds on the basis of a purchase order by a client who commits to buy the commodity involved. Originally introduced as contracts between two parties both Ijarah and Murabahah ended up in the form of securities. Bypassing controversies around operating leases versus financial leases Nejatullah (2005b) The market seized upon Sukuk. Ijarah bonds are investment certificates indicating ownership of a real asset subject to a lease contract yielding predetermined rent yields, they are very popular in the Gulf, unlike the Sukuk based on Murabahah receivables that are considered valid only in Malaysia. Adam and Thomas (2004). Other sale-based modes in Islamic finance are Salam and Istisnaa Islamic banks started by using them as bases for extending finance to agriculture and industry respectively. As they had no interest in taking possession of the commodities or the manufactured goods involved, there was usually a parallel contract reversing the flow so that the bank ended up with cash, larger in amount than that paid by it in the first contract. In their more developed forms, the Islamic financial market now has Sukuk based on Ijarah, Salam and Istisnaa. The buyers of Sukuk periodically get a predetermined income over and above the privilege of redemption at par on maturity, as in case of conventional bonds. According to (http://www.bankislam.com.my) there are efforts to develop secondary markets on which these Islamic bonds could be traded. If and when these efforts succeed, the same markets could handle variable return Mudarabah bonds or Sukuk based on Mudarabah/musharakah. The big difference would be in there being no guaranteed value on redemption as these investors are vulnerable to losses too, unlike those who invest in fixed income Sukuk mentioned earlier. We have to examine, first how trade based modes of finance got in, and second, how bond-like Sukuk were constructed. Later on, we go on to economics: the impact of fixed income financial products on an economy aspiring to be Islamic. Malaysia introduced sale of debt (Bay Al-Dayn) in Islamic finance. It also brought in Inah, a way of obtaining cash now against a larger amount of cash to be paid after a period of time, on the basis of sale contracts on deferred prices followed by buyback contracts at lower cash prices. The first Islamic bank to come up in Malaysia, Bank Islam Malaysia Berhad, started its operations in 1983. It is now marketing about 50 innovative and sophisticated Islamic banking products and services, comparable to those of their conventional counterparts (http://www.bankislam.com.my). A second Islamic bank, Bank Muamalat Malaysia Berhad commenced operations in 1999. The Central Bank of Malaysia also decided to allow the existing banking institutions to offer Islamic banking services using their existing infrastructure and branches. The long-term objective of BNM is to create an Islamic banking system operating on parallel lines with the conventional system This involves some interaction between the two systems, which is overseen and organized by the central bank, Bank Negara Malaysia, which has in-house National Shariah Advisory Council. An Islamic Inter-bank Money Market launched in 1994 plays a significant role in this regard (http://www.bnm.gov.my). There is also Mudarabah Inter-bank Investment facilitating interaction between deficit and surplus Islamic banks. The backbone of the whole structure seems to be the Government Investment Issue (GII). It was originally based on ‘the Shariah contract of Qard Hasan, the holder being given back only what he/she gave. ‘Any return on the loans (if any) is on the absolute discretion of the government. But, in 2001, the basis of Government Investment Issue (GIIs) issuance was further enhanced to accommodate the need to develop further the secondary market activities of the Islamic money market. An alternative concept of GII based on Sell and Buy Back Arrangement was introduced in June 2001. Under this arrangement, the Government will sell its identified assets at an agreed cash price to the buyer and subsequently buy back the same assets from the buyer at an agreed purchase price to be settled at a specified future date (http://www.bnm.gov.my). Saleem (2006) says besides complying with the prohibitions against interest and the financing of forbidden activities, Islamic banking products are based on the concept of property exchange, profit and risk sharing, and certainty. Uncertainty (gharar) is not permissible, and contracts for banking services must clearly define the responsibilities and rights of the customer and bank as to the ownership of property, fees, and risk sharing. 2.3 Istisnaa The Istisnaa the second kind of sale where a commodity is transacted before it comes into existence. This allows the Bank to order for the goods or equipment required for a construction project according to the choice of the client and delivers them to the client. The client agrees to pay in installments at specified dates. There are two sub types of Istisnaa contracts, which are classified based on the commodity bought or sold Saleem (2006). 2.4 Ijarah Islamic Investments ‘Ijarah is the process by which (Usufruct of a particular property is transferred to another person in exchange for a rent claimed from him/her). It is the equivalent of ‘Leasing in commercial banking. This allows the Bank to order for Capital assets required for the customer against a rental agreement with him. The title

Introduction to Banking Essay

1) Outline three ways in which the behavior of the financial system could affect the level of aggregate demand in the economy. The creation of liquid assets, the expansion of banking and money and the changes in people’s financial wealth are three ways by which the financial system could affect the level of aggregate demand in the economy. For a real economy to expand, liquidity of assets is a requirement and the availability of liquid assets increases the aggregate demand in the economy as consumers have easy access to cash when needed as liquid assets are assets that can be easily converted into cash. The expansion of banking and money also affects the level of aggregate demand in a positive way. The availability of proper banking systems which include financial intermediation increases the aggregate demand in the economy as people would be encouraged to spend and invest. Depending on the economy’s situation, changes in people’s financial wealth can have either a positive or negative on aggregate demand. Suppose the economy was experiencing a boom, the level of income and expenditure would be high and people would tend to spend more as a result of an increase in the aggregate demand. However, if the economy was going through a recession, the opposite would occur leading to a decline in spending thus a decrease in aggregate demand. 2) Suppose that prices in the US stock market suffer a major collapse. What effect would you expect this to have upon the rest of the US economy and the economies of other developed countries? As a reflection to what has happened in January 2001 when the FTSE-100 index of stock prices fell by 50%, the US economy, economies of other countries and people within the US were greatly affected by this fall in prices. Possible effects would include central bank’s around the world lowering interest rates, aggregate demand would decline, saving would increase since people would become very reluctant to invest in stocks, people committed to paying pensions would find that their investments would no longer support  their payments. 3) Why does a company’s share price matter in a takeover battle? If you were the financial director of the predator firm, what would you want to happen to your firm’s share price? Might you be able to influence it in any way? In general, the share price determines how much needs to be paid for a takeover to take place. The share price matters because it reflects a unit of ownership in a company which works as an advantage in the case of a takeover battle if it was low. As a financial director of the predator firm, I would want to increase the share price as much as possible to protect the firm and to stimulate competition. I would try to influence the price though marketing and through focusing on the potential market share. 4) Why might financial systems fail to allocate resources to their most desirable use? Financial systems might fail to allocate resources to their most desirable use due to different reasons which include: lack of resources available in the economy, shortage of funds circulating in the financial system, the cost of investment might be high, the interest rates might be high and many different competitors working within the same sectors hinders the proper allocation of resources to their most desirable use.

Low Income And Low Academic Achievement - 1270 Words

Low Income Equals Low Academic Achievement Some may not want to believe that the world revolves around money, but it does. Goals in life cannot be taken anywhere without money. Money is the most important thing when it comes to quality education. The children from low income families academic performance is highly affected. Low income families struggle with educating their children. Income and wealth can affect educational outcomes in a number of ways. Income has a direct impact on the affordability and accessibility of those educational services which charge fees or if transport and other costs are significant.Low-income students as a group have performed than high-income students on most measures of academic success (Jensen). Family income level affects academic performance. A family’s income definitely does affect the ability and the quality of education a child receives. When the money is tight in the family there are more important needs that need to be met. Education bec omes on the bottom of the priority list. Children s education should never be on the bottom of a parent s priority list but low income families do not have a choice. One that comes from low income family has more responsibility than the rest such as getting a job to help support the family or babsity while the parents at work. It is either good grades for you and you’d go to school, or one suffer lack of necessity When the family has a good solid income the children have more time to focus on theirShow MoreRelatedLow Income And Low Academic Achievement1290 Words   |  6 Pages Low Income Equals Low Academic Achievement Some may not want to believe that the world revolves around money, but it does. Goals in life cannot be taken anywhere without money. Money is the most important thing when it comes to quality education. The children from low income families academic performance is highly affected. Low income families struggle with educating their children. 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Goals in life cannot be taken anywhere without money. Money is the most important thing when it comes to quality education. The children from low income families academic performance is highly affected. Low income families struggle with educating their children. Income and wealth can affect educational outcomes in a number of ways. Income has a direct impact on the affordability and accessibility of those educational services which charge fees or if transport and other costs are significant.Low-income students as a group have performed than high-income students on most measures of academic success (Jensen). Family income level affects academic performance. A family’s income definitely does affect the ability and the quality of education a child receives. When the money is tight in the family there are more important needs that need to be met. Education bec omes on the bottom of the priority list. Children s education should never be on the bottom of a parent s priority list but low income families do not have a choice. One that comes from low income family has more responsibility than the rest such as getting a job to help support the family or babsity while the parents at work. It is either good grades for you and you’d go to school, or one suffer lack of necessity When the family has a good solid income the children have more time to focus onShow MoreRelatedLow Income And Low Academic Achievement1290 Words   |  6 Pages Low Income Equals Low Academic Achievement Some may not want to believe that the world revolves around money, but it does. Goals in life cannot be taken anywhere without money. Money is the most important thing when it comes to quality education. The children from low income families academic performance is highly affected. Low income families struggle with educating their children. Income and wealth ca n affect educational outcomes in a number of ways. Income has a direct impact on the affordabilityRead MoreLow Income And Low Academic Achievement1270 Words   |  6 PagesLow Income Equals Low Academic Achievement Some may not want to believe that the world revolves around money, but it does. Goals in life cannot be taken anywhere without money. Money is the most important thing when it comes to quality education. The children from low income families academic performance is highly affected. Low income families struggle with educating their children. Income and wealth can affect educational outcomes in a number of ways. Income has a direct impact on the affordabilityRead MoreLow Income Students And Academic Achievement1515 Words   |  7 Pagesn the introduction of this paper, I mentioned that low-income students tend to have decreased academic achievement. However, students living in poverty do not always fall privy to the generalizations that face them. At Walt Disney Magnet S chool, where I have the pleasure of working, sixty-six percent of students are low income, but sixty-eight percent of students meeting or exceeding the state standards (Illinois Report Card, 2015). I reflected on my own teaching experience at this school. In myRead MoreEffects of Socioeconomic Status and Ethnicity on a Child1542 Words   |  7 Pagesdevelopment (Nelson, 1999). Socioeconomic status limits how much a family could provide to aid a child’s development. Middle-class families can better prepare their children with opportunities for success than families with low household income. Families with low household income will be reluctant to spend money on daycare because they have other priorities. Credentialed daycare providers increase children’s cognitive and critical thinking skills (Barnett Belfield, 2006). 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Introduction Throughout my classes at DePaul’s College of Education, I have wondered how and why socioeconomic factors have such a profound effect on childrens school readiness, development, and future of learning. With the addition of clinical experiences in various schools and grades, a passion and focus area of mine has been multicultural perspectives, often volunteeringRead MoreDifferences Between Socioeconomic Classes And The Achievement Gap Between Students1234 Words   |  5 Pagesdifferences in income between socioeconomic classes influence the achievement gap between students in America? Describe the achievement gap between students in America Background information of the achievement gap. The Glossary of Education Reform defines the achievement gap as â€Å"any significant and persistent disparity in academic performance or educational attainment between different groups of students† (â€Å"Achievement Gap Definition†). 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This has manifested itself in what researchers call the â€Å"education achievement gap.† Sean F. Reardon studied this growing academic gap between high income and low-income children. To do so, he utilized data from nineteen nationally representative studies, such asRead MoreChild Poverty And Academic Achievement1448 Words   |  6 PagesPoverty and Academic Achievement Francesca Diona University of San Francisco According to the National Center for Children in Poverty, over 16 million children (22%) in the United States live below the federal poverty level, which is $23,550 per year for a family of four. Research has shown that a family requires an income of about twice that amount just to cover basic needs and expenses. Using these statistics, 45% of children in the US live in low-income households.

Theme of Hardship in The Grapes of Wrath Essay - 734 Words

The Grapes of Wrath In the souls of the people, the grapes of wrath are filling and growing heavy, growing heavy for the vintage. This quote explains the whole book. It shows the people fighting for their lives from the many hardships they face. Also, it shows that there is ups and downs in life and sometimes facing the wrath that life gives us. The first hardship in the book is when the Joads are forced off their land. They have to overcome losing their home and basically their life. Also, the Joads can relate to many people because the bank took over their life. ?The bank is something more than,it?s the monster.? (33) This†¦show more content†¦They start to run low on money and need to leave the camp to find another job. ?Never worked so hard in my life nor so long before.? (X) This quote explains how the Joads work. They work each of their jobs as hard as they can and endure so much pain just to survive. The family doesn?t complain when their working or what they don?t have, they take what they have and make it out as the best they can. Towards the end of the book Rose of Sharon faces the worst hardship out of anyone. She has a still-born baby. This was the one thing in Rose of Sharon?s life she really wanted . The baby was the reason she woke up in the morning and could live life. Being the strong- willed woman Rose of Sharon is she moves on with life. Then at the end of the book her motherly figure comes out when she suckles the man back to health. When Casy is brutally murdered by the police officer it shows many accusations. It shows back then police officers did not care about protecting people. They were cruel people who cared about themselves. So that Casy?s life ended tragically, before he died he compared himself to Jesus trying to find something. Even though he was bad with girls and gave up preaching he was still connected with God. InShow MoreRelatedBiblical Allusions to The Grapes of Wrath Essay example1457 Words   |  6 PagesBiblical Allusions to The Grapes of Wrath John Steinbeck was born in Salinas, California, on February 27, 1902. He studied marine biology at Stanford University and then traveled east on a freighter through the Panama Canal. Steinbeck went to New York to work as a newspaper reporter but soon returned to California and held a variety of jobs while he wrote. Steinbeck published Tortilla Flat in 1935, Of Mice and Men in 1937, and The Red Pony in 1937, which established his reputation as a forcefulRead MoreGrapes of Wrath and of Mice and Men: Character Study991 Words   |  4 PagesGrapes of Wrath and Of Mice and Men: Character Study The American Novelist, John Steinbeck was a powerful writer of dramatic stories about good versus bad. His own views on writing were that not only should a writer make the story sound good but also the story written should teach a lesson. In fact, Steinbeck focused many of his novels, not on average literary themes rather he tended to relay messages about the many hard truths of life in The United States. Upon winning the Nobel Peace PrizeRead MoreComparing The Grapes of Wrath, by John Steinbeck and To Kill A Mockingbird, by Harper Lee1327 Words   |  6 Pagesbeing killed in a ditch and covered with quicklime, watch the mountains of oranges slop down to a putrefying ooze; and in the eyes of the people there is a failure; and in the eyes of the hungry there is a growing wrath† (Steinbeck 349). John Steinbeck, the author of The Grapes of Wrath, portrays the migrant’s resentment of the California land owners and their way of life and illustrates that the vagrants from Oklahoma are yearning for labor, provisions, and human decency. Similarly in To Kill a MockingbirdRead MoreThematic Message: Good vs. Evil1546 Words   |  7 Pagesbeing killed in a ditch and covered with quicklime, watch the mountains of oranges slop down to a putrefying ooze; and in the eyes of the people there is a failure; and in the eyes of the hungry there is a growing wrath † (Steinbeck 349). John Steinbeck, the author of The Grapes of Wrath, portrays the migrant’s resentment of the California land owners and their way of life and illustrates that the vagrants from Oklahoma are yearning for labor, provisions, and human decency. Similarly in To Kill a MockingbirdRead MoreThe Grapes of Wrath, by John Steinbeck and To Kill A Mockingbird, by Harper Lee1413 Words   |  6 Pagesbeing killed in a ditch and covered with quicklime, watch the mountains of oranges slop down to a putrefying ooze; and in the eyes of the people there is a failure; and in the eyes of the hungry there is a growing wrath† (Steinbeck 349). John Steinbeck, the author of The Grapes of Wrath, portrays the migrant’s resentment of the California land owners and their way of life and illustrates that the vagrants from Oklahoma are yearning for labor, provisions, and human decency. Similarly in To Kill a MockingbirdRead MoreThe Grapes Of Wrath And Virginia Woolf s M rs. Dalloway1485 Words   |  6 Pageswere especially felt in the United States and Britain, and the two countries set the scene for John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath and Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway. The Grapes of Wrath recounts the tale of the Joad family, farm owners who, after being forced off their land by big business, head west to California in search of work only to find discrimination and further hardship. Their story exemplifies the struggles faced by low-income families unequipped to deal with the changing reality ofRead MoreEssay on Grapes of Wrath554 Words   |  3 Pages or in history books. We have seen the pain and struggle that these people must go through in order to survive. This novel, The Grapes of Wrath, relates to some of the many times of violence and cruelty that this America has seen. During the Dust Bowl, hundreds of thousands of southerners faced many hardships, which is the basis of the novel called The Grapes of Wrath. It was written to portray the harsh conditions during the Dust Bowl. When one considers the merit of this novel, one thinks, howRead MoreWhen Creating His Short Stories/Novels, John Steinbeck1665 Words   |  7 Pagesaround themes relevant to the world and his era. His books/novels fall under these categories: disenfranchisement, integrity vs. corruption, and rebellion are only a few he explored because of his era. Through this he was able to pass the hardships of the early and mid 1900s to future generations using the themes of his books/novels. Steinbeck was able to see the United States develop, flourish. With this background, Steinbeck created some of his well known pieces being The Grapes of Wrath, CanneryRead MoreThe Grapes Of Wrath By Kathi Appelt1434 Words   |  6 PagesThe Grapes of Wrath â€Å"An entire nation, it seemed, was standing in one long breadline, desperate for even the barest essentials. It was a crisis of monumental proportions. It was known as the Great Depression.† (Appelt) As author Kathi Appelt describes, the Great Depression was an enormous economic recession that affected countless people all across the country. One of the most vivid depictions of the Great Depression is found in John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath. Some may argue that whileRead MoreThe Grapes Of Wrath By John Steinbeck1645 Words   |  7 PagesBoth John Steinbeck’s criticism and optimism was written into The Grapes of Wrath, a book that he researched for nearly two years before he finally finished the book. While writing the novel, he said to his friend and literary agent: â€Å"I must go over into the interior valleys. There are about five thousand families starving to death over there...The states and counties will give them nothing because they are out siders. But the crops of any part of this state could not be harvested without these outsiders